Title: Sectarianism and Anti-Shia Propaganda in Pakistan: An Academic Examination
Abstract:
This academic article delves into the intricate web of sectarianism and anti-Shia propaganda in Pakistan, primarily focusing on the activities of the extremist organization, Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), now operating as Ahle-Sunnat-Wal-Jama’at (ASWJ). The paper explores the historical context, ideological underpinnings, and the multifaceted strategies employed by these groups to promote anti-Shia sentiments. Additionally, it investigates the impact of their propaganda on the social fabric of Pakistan and its implications for inter-communal relations.
1. Introduction
The issue of sectarianism in Pakistan has deep-rooted historical and ideological dimensions, with organizations like SSP/ASWJ playing a pivotal role in promoting anti-Shia sentiment. This article seeks to provide an academic analysis of the origins, evolution, and consequences of such sectarian propaganda.
2. Historical Background
To understand the contemporary dynamics of sectarianism, it is essential to trace its historical roots. SSP’s drive to label Shia Muslims as infidels and its efforts to establish a parallel religio-cultural narrative during Moharram have their origins in the 1980s and 1990s.
3. Ideological Foundations
The ideology of SSP/ASWJ is grounded in the exclusionary doctrine of Nasibism, which seeks to vilify Shia Muslims. The organization has produced a substantial volume of anti-Shia literature, disseminated both in print and via social media platforms, with the aim of spreading hatred and inciting violence against Shia Muslims.
4. Propagation of Hate
SSP/ASWJ has actively engaged in propagating anti-Shia sentiment through various mediums. Their extensive presence on social media platforms, including Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Telegram, Signal, and Instagram, has facilitated the dissemination of hate speech and materials. According to Professor Abbas Zaidi, such propaganda has contributed significantly to the persecution of the Shia community in Pakistan.
5. Incitement to Violence
The extremist content produced by SSP/ASWJ has radicalized numerous individuals, leading to acts of violence against Shia Muslims. A senior police officer involved in the investigation of mass killings of Shia Muslims has suggested that banning the distribution of SSP/ASWJ’s audiovisual materials could be a key step in curbing anti-Shia extremism.
6. Dissemination of Anti-Shia Material
During the 1980s and 1990s, anti-Shia material originating from Deobandi seminaries and SSP/ASWJ was prevalent, often distributed at religious gatherings. Today, social media platforms have become the primary means of disseminating such content, making it easily accessible and reaching a wider audience.
7. Impact and Casualties
The relentless anti-Shia propaganda and activities of organizations like SSP/ASWJ have led to tragic consequences. More than 25,000 Shia Muslims have been killed in Pakistan between 1960 and 2022. Prominent Shia figures, professionals, and ordinary citizens have fallen victim to targeted attacks.
8. Legal and Social Ramifications
Anti-Shia organizations like SSP/ASWJ not only restrict the practice of Shia faith but also curtail their freedom of expression. Blasphemy laws have been weaponized against Shia Muslims, with individuals like Taimur Raza facing severe legal consequences.
9. Sectarianism and Composite Culture
This article highlights the ideological conflict between Deobandi Islam and the composite culture of the Indian subcontinent. Deobandi scholars have historically sought to exclude Shia customs, rituals, and festivals from the cultural fabric of the region, considering them as a threat to their orthodoxy.
10. Conclusion
The propagation of anti-Shia propaganda by organizations like SSP/ASWJ has had dire consequences for the Shia Muslim community in Pakistan. It is imperative for academics, policymakers, and civil society to address this issue comprehensively, as it poses a significant threat to the nation’s social cohesion and stability. Counter-narratives promoting inter-communal harmony and tolerance are essential in countering the divisive rhetoric of sectarian extremists.
In the Indian subcontinent, the Sunni reformist movements influenced by Sheikh Ahmad Sirhandi (1564-1624), Shah Waliullah (1703-21), Muhammad bin Abd al-Wahhab (1703-1792) and Sheikh Ibn Taymiyyah(1263-1328) have always called the dominance of the composite culture and Sulah-e-Kulliyat( Peace for All absolutely) of the rural and urban society of the subcontinent as anti-Islamic.
Darululoom Deoband always remained very active in reforming the Sunni Islam. It refuted the Shi’a Islam as heresy creed. Darululoom Deoband’s grand clergy always made efforts to exclude the Shi’a, customs, rituals and festivals from cultural life of rural and uraban society. Priests from Deoband Madrassah Tehreek (Seminary movement) attempted to exclude those things from Sufi Islam which were Shi’a elements in their views.
Deobandi Islam wants to exclude all diversity, Pluralistic and inclusive elements from composite culture of Indian subcontinent. It Particularly negates the Shi’a Muslims’ contribution in forming of Indian composite culture. It resists the assimilation of Shi’as’ religious customs, rituals and festivals in composite culture of Indian sub-continent.
Deobandi historians interpret the cultural scene of Indian Sub-continent during Mughal dynasty under influence of anti-composite/diversity/Pluralistic tendency. They called inclusion of Shi’as’ cultural things in composite culture of Indian Subcontinent as a conspiracy hatched by Shi’a Irani Nobles in Mughal Court.
Maulana Muhammadullah Qasimi’s article “Darululoom Deoband and Refutation of Shiite “appeared on official website of Darululoom Deoband.
“Most of the Muslim kingdoms and Mughal governments in India were headed by Ahl al-Sunnah wal Jama’at; However, Shia governments or states were also established somewhere in the country, in which the Eastern Kingdom of Jaunpur (1394 to 1479) and the Oudh governments of Faizabad and Lucknow (1722 to 1858) became more prominent. The Shia Safavid government of Iran sheltered King Humayun and gave him full support in restoring the rule of India and defeating the Syrian king. Since then, the Mughal Shahs had good relations with Iran and because of this Shia elements continued to interfere in the government. Especially after the death of Aurangzeb Alamgir, when the Mughal government began to weaken, these Shia elements took the reins of the government in their hands and the kings became puppets in their hands. Participating enthusiastically was all the fruit of Shia power. The Shia elements participated in the plots to overthrow the throne of many kings and even persecute and kill them. It was not easy to speak out against the Shias during their heyday. The knowledge of the common Muslims was that the big Sunni landowners had declared and expressed themselves as Shiites out of fear of the Shia elements.” 1
Thus, Deobandi Historians divided the governments in Mughal era and autonomous states after decline of Mughal dynasty into Shia and Sunni periods of rule. Such divide was in fact a distortion of the history. Be it the Mughal period or the period of the regional states, no ruler in any of them had declared his state as a Sunni or Shia state according to his personal beliefs. Rather, the Mughal Empire was the only empire that gave religious freedom to the followers of all religions and did not force any belief on them, whereas both the Safavid regime in Iran and the Ottoman regime in other areas were more sectarian in character.2
No doubt that the majority of the Mughal rulers were Sunnis, but the fact that Deobandi historians like Maulana Muhammad Allah Qasmi Deobandi hide or are reluctant to state is that the majority of the Mughal emperors followed Sufi Sunni Islam. All of them except Aurangzeb continued to promote Absolute Peace (Sulah-e-Kulliyat) and composite culture in the Indian subcontinent. They recognized Muharram, Eid Milad, Dussehra, Diwali, Baisakhi, Urs and fairs as a common part of the culture of all the inhabitants of the Indian subcontinent. They consider the policy of Sulah-e-Kulliyat (Absolute Peace for all) a conspiracy in the society of the Indian subcontinent. And integration of Customs, rituals and festivals of Shi’a Muslims into Hind-Islamic culture was conspiracy of Iranian Shi’a nobles in Mughal court.3
Deobandi clergy saw inclusion of customs and festivals related to Muharram and Ashura in composite culture of Indian-Subcontinent as a Fitnah. Maulana Muhammadullah Qasimi Deobandi writes,
“In this environment, Hazrat Shah Waliullah Dehlavi had realized this temptation and presented the position of Ahl al-Sunnah wal Jama’ah with proofs through “Izala-tul-Khifa fi Khilafat-e-Khulfaa” and “Qara-tul-Ainin fi Tafzil al-Sheikheen” and the enemies The Companions were beaten. After Hazrat Shah Sahib, his son and successor, Hazrat Shah Abdul Aziz, wrote “Tafha Ethna Ashariya” and raised a challenge in front of Rawafiz, which they did not have a scientific answer to. Due to these efforts, these gentlemen had to be subjected to the atrocities of the Shias.”4
Here Maulana Muhammadullah Qasimi Deobandi like other Deobandi historians and priests inclined to Takfiree of Shi’a Muslims (Excommunication of Shi’as from the orbit of Islam) misrepresented the Shah Waliullah and Shah Abdul Aziz’s position on status of Shi’a Muslims in Sunni Islam. Shah Waliullah and his son Shah Abdul Aziz didn’t support the Fatwa-e-Kufr given by a group of Sunni clerics of Transoxiana against the Ithna Ashariya Shi’as unlike Sheikh Ahmed Sirhindi. We didn’t find even a single paragraph in books written either by Shah Waliullah or by her elder son Shah Abdul Aziz against customs and rituals of Muharram equally popular among the Shi’as and Sunni Muslims in Mughal period, we didn’t find any polemical commentary on ‘Taziya-dari’ by Sunni Muslims in Ashura festival.
We have no evidence to show that Shah Waliullah had prohibited the Sunni Muslims or the Mughal emperor from commemorating the Muharram Festival during his time. Nor is there any fatwa of Shah Abdul Aziz Dehlavi about this. Yes, it is true about Shah Sahib’s grandson Shah Ismail Dehlvi and Shah Ishaq Dehlvi’s disciple Syed Ahmed Barelvi that both of them considered not only the Shia Muslims but also the followers of Sufi Sunni Islam as apostates because of their policy of Suleh-e-Kul.
One of the main purposes mentioned by the Deobandi historians for the establishment of Darul Uloom Deoband is “Rejection of Shiism”. They call the involvement of Sunni Muslims in the festival of Muharram as polytheism.5
According to official history of Darululoom Deoband India, all distinguished and grand clergy of Darululoom Deoband orally and in written refuted the Shi’a Islam. Maulana Muhammadullah Qasimi in the said article informs us that founding father of Darululoom Deoband Hazrat Muhammad Qasim Nanotavi (1832-1880) wrote a thick polemical book ‘Haddiyat Al-Shia’ against Shi’a Muslims. He mentions the 34 distinguished polemical works against Shi’a Muslim community written by grand Deobandi Clerics. Interesting thing is that Deobandi Historians when mention the polemical works against Shi’a Muslims community they include the works of such Deobandi clerics who were either Nasibi or inclined to Nasibism. For example, Muhammadullah Qasimi included the works of Maulana Abdul Shakoor of Lucknow, he was founding father of Nasibism in Uttar Pradesh-UP and according to Mushirul Hasan was the first Deobandi Cleric who paved the way for organized Shi’a-Sunni Riots in Lucknow. Qasimi mentions the anti-Shia polemical works of Maulana Abdul Sattar Tunsavi, Maulana Habib-ur-Rahaman Azmi, Maulana Zafar Ahmed Usmani in his article like other prominent Deobandi historians, all those were either Nasibis or inclined toward Nasibis.6
Maulana Abdul Shakoor of Lucknow had founded anti-Shi’a militant organization in 1925 in colonial period. Name of that organization was ‘Tanzeem-i-Ahle-Sunnat’ (TAS). This organization drove a blasphemous campaign against Shi’a Muslim community, published hundreds of thousands booklet, Pamphlets based on Takfiree and Ikhiraj (Excommunication and exclusion) of Shi’a Muslims from the orbit of Islam.7
After Partition, in newly created country founded by M.Ali Jinnah who was himself Shi’a Ithna Ashari by faith, in 1950 two Anti-Shi’a militant Deobandi organization were formed:
Tanzeem-e-Ahle-Sunnat-Wal-Jamaat-TAS was re-established by Deobandi cleric Maulana Abdul Sattar Tunsavi, Syed Noor-ul-Hasan Bukhari, Habib-ur-Rahman Azmi and others. While Allama Dosat Muhammad Qureashi, Allama Attullah Shah Bukhari, Qazi Ehsan Ahmed Shuja Abadi and Qazi Mazhar Hussain founded Tehreek-e-Ahle-Sunnat because of inclination of leaders of TAS to Nasibism. But these both organizations had a common agenda of driving the movement for banning on Ashura processions on roads, for imposition of complete ban on organizing Mourning Sitting of Martyrs of Karbala (Majalis-i-Aza) in Public, agenda of driving akfiree Campaign against Shi’a Muslims in Pakistan.
Clergy of Darululoom Deoband didn’t restrict itself to just writing polemical anti-Shia works but again and again clergy involved in violence against not only Shi’a Muslims but against those Sufi Sunni Muslims who had participated in Ashura Processions while carrying Ta’azias.
Historiographers of Maulana Qasim Nanoutavi including Muhammadullah Qasimi tell us how Qasim Nanoutavi along with had stormed in too many Mosques and houses of Sufi Sunni Muslims and thrown out Taa’zias from there placed by them. Qasim Nanoutvi , the founding Father of Darululoom Deoband not only opposed mixed Shi’a-Sunni Mourning gatherings in the days of Ashura but tried to disintegrate such gatherings by force. 8
Under the influence of militant anti-Shi’a indoctrination, Shi’a community faced organized attacks particularly during the Ashura processions or Mourning Sittings of Martyrs of Karbala Just after one years of the formation of the Pakistan. In 1949 Anti-Shi’a mob led by goons of TAS attacked over main procession of Ashura in Narowal, a city of Punjab. Three Shi’a people were killed and dozens of Mourners wounded. In 1963 a massacre of Shia Muslims occurred in Tehri village of Khairpur in Ashura Procession.9 Responsible of that Massacre was militant charged mob led by TAS.10
Darululoom Deoband’s Shia-Refutational drive turned into more organized violent form in 80s. First reason was dictatorship of General Zia-ul-Haq, who wanted to give a lesson to Shi’a Muslim community due to its opposition to him and support for democratic forces which were struggling for revival of democracy in the country through Movement for Restoration of Democracy Movement- MRD. Leading role in MRD was of Pakistan Peoples’ Party and heavy majority of Shi’a Muslim community was supporting the PPP’s leadership. Prominent Shi’a religious scholars, intellectuals, Authors, poets, student leaders, Political leaders even artists and singers were at forefront of the MRD’s protests. No doubt masses across the sects, religions were against the dictatorship of Ziaulhaq. Ziaulhaq regime’s desired to diffuse the momentum of the protests and the movement against it. So, regime applied the old colonial tactics of Divide and rule. Zia regime exploited the environment after Iranian revolution in Pakistan. Due to rift between Saudi Arabia and Iran Pakistani based Deobandi clergy’s anti-Shia refutational drive got a new life through massive funding and more support from Saudi Arabia. Zia-ul-Haq also supported those Deobandi clerics who were running radical anti-Shia campaign in Pakistan.
References:
1-https://darululoom-deoband.com/urduarticles/archives/1922
2-ibid
3-ibid
4-ibid
5- ibid
6-ibid
7-ibid
8-https://shiamuslimgenocide.com/traditional-rites-and-contested-meanings-sectarian-strife-in-colonial-lucknow-mushirul-hasan/
9- https://shiamuslimgenocide.com/database/narowalattack-on-ashura-procession-1949/
10-https://shiamuslimgenocide.com/database/shia-genocide-khairpur-therhi-carnage-1963/
